IGLOO CIC (Community Interest Company) Est 2025 Powered with Generative & Agentic AI. (formerly 'Hexayurt Project' - 2005)
Bringing-up Authentic Beings Annex
Independent Garden Life for Opportunity & Outcome
Using 50mm XPS & 50mm PIR, 5mm steel and polythene resin fibreglass to build little itty bitty igloos; for work and play
against 'Brain Rot'
Material Price Capped for 2025
For bigger builds starting from £1800
For even bigger builds starting from £4900
For your local homeless survivors - £0 Lease with IGLOO Community Interest Company.
IGLOO CIC is the semi commercialisation of 'Hexayurt Project'; 2005 - 2022
SAFE, QUIET & WARM
INDEPENDENT
WORK and PLAY SPACE
FOR SHY GIRLS
AND LOUD BOYS
ELIGIBLE FOR FUNDING
Noah a1 - £7300 (fully assembled)
638kg
2.23mx2.9mx4.8mx0.2m
FOR LEARNING CHALLNGE
IS YOUR CHILD ELIGIBLE?
PROJECT BABA
Learn to work and play and get along with each other.
The following grants are ending soon; but as long as we have an agreed confirmation statement in time; your funding will be earmarked. So apply today; and we can start the work any any time in the future.
Click here and find out why IGLOO returns on investment faster than any other sustainable home upgrade.
Child funding pathways are confusing.
B.A.B.A Igloo is a small foam shed for care givers and community leaders to apply for, you apply and we apply for a grant on your behalf using project HUSKY.
For children with learning difficulties and special needs. Such as ADHD, autism, and Sensory Processing Disorder and all others.
The most nutritionally beneficial thing you child can do is play outside without any adults around telling her what to do.
Automated funding eligibility wizard - and GPT assisted machine learning grant writer.
One for your daughter.
One for somebodies daughter.
Problematic gaming behaviours were relatively rare prior to the release of World of Warcraft in 1999. As a Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game (MMORPG), WoW marked a significant departure from traditional, finite gameplay experiences; it was structurally unwinnable, continuous, and immersive by design. This open-ended format often led players to become heavily enmeshed in the game, at times compromising their offline identity (van Rooij et al., 2010). This pattern has since proliferated across the industry. For example, the average user reportedly spends over 500 hours on Minecraft, a duration sufficient to achieve functional fluency in a second language such as French (Anderson et al., 2017).
While gaming is not inherently detrimental, its benefits are contingent on social context and behavioural diversity. Engagement should ideally occur in varied formats and with peers known in real life; otherwise, competitive dynamics may dominate, leading to the erosion of alternative status markers such as physical fitness or cognitive performance (Granic, Lobel & Engels, 2014). This is particularly relevant for boys, who often value social respect above emotional connection—an imbalance that excessive gaming can reinforce (Pollack, 1998).
In many ways, social media can be conceptualised as a form of video game. From the perspective of gaming culture, platforms such as Instagram may be viewed as a Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game (MMORPG), closely resembling the mechanics of World of Warcraft in their use of avatars, status hierarchies, and reward-based interactions (Chou & Edge, 2012). While social media is not intrinsically harmful, it becomes problematic when the child is not merely on social media, but of it—when the performance of a curated identity is prioritised over the development of an authentic sense of self (Turkle, 2011).
Young girls often internalise the notion that physical attractiveness is a form of power, which can lead to excessive agreeableness and self-effacement during adolescence (Tolman, 2002). This behaviour aligns with the ‘tend-and-befriend’ stress response, more commonly observed in females, and which may be particularly pronounced in online environments (Taylor et al., 2000). Notably, many post-menopausal women report a psychological shift, describing increased assertiveness and reduced social compliance. In contrast, younger females are more likely to value emotional connection and interpersonal validation over social dominance—an imbalance that social media interactions may amplify (Gilligan, 1982).
Boys and men are typically socialised to value respect over love, with masculine identity often constructed around autonomy, competence, and social recognition (Pollack, 1998; Way, 2011). The developing child and parent engage in a dynamic interplay, and for boys, feelings of unhappiness frequently stem from the perception that they are a burden or that their status-seeking behaviours are dismissed or misunderstood by their caregivers (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Boys often strive to belong, and this motivation is readily observable in male fashion trends, which prioritise affiliation and group conformity over individual expression (Connell, 2005).
The male adolescent’s bedroom, much like his female counterpart’s, acts as a site of identity formation. Symbols of allegiance, such as football posters, communicate belonging to a wider peer culture. Equally, prominently displayed Meccano or Lego constructions serve not merely as hobbies, but as visible demonstrations of problem-solving ability and utility—core components of perceived masculine worth (Francis, Skelton & Read, 2010). The common stereotype that men enjoy “tinkering” in sheds underrepresents a deeper psychological function: these solitary problem-solving tasks reinforce a sense of competence and autonomy, enabling the individual to reconnect with a fundamental belief in his own usefulness (Kimmel, 2008).
For boys, a private and autonomous space—such as an “igloo” or similar retreat—can function as a developmental crucible. It offers an environment in which projects can be initiated independently, free from adult intervention. This reinforces both intrinsic motivation and the boy’s emerging sense of agency (Deci & Ryan, 2000).
Research suggests that women and girls tend to prioritise emotional intimacy over social dominance; they seek love over respect, particularly during developmental windows marked by increased self-consciousness and identity formation (Gilligan, 1982; Tolman, 2002). The adolescent girl who feels her emotional world is dismissed or neglected by inattentive caregivers often reports a heightened sense of unhappiness (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Girls are socialised to signal emotional availability and approachability—traits that find expression not only in social behaviour but also through fashion and self-presentation (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).
The bedroom, particularly in adolescence, often becomes a symbolic extension of the self. Interior design choices can function as a psychological mirror, reflecting perceived self-worth and offering a space for identity rehearsal (Kroger, 2007). Contrary to evolutionary assumptions that cosmetics serve primarily to signal sexual availability, empirical studies indicate that makeup use is more commonly associated with enhanced self-confidence and self-validation (Dellinger & Williams, 1997). The décor of a girl’s room often mirrors this intention—positioning the self as valuable and deserving of care, and reinforcing an internalised belief that affection must be earned through respect for the self, rather than indiscriminately accepted.
This understanding underscores the psychological importance of paternal affirmation. When a father consistently communicates that his daughter is beautiful—both in appearance and in essence—it can inoculate against the susceptibility to external validation, particularly from early romantic interests (Pruett, 2000).
The Igloo is not intended as a punitive or austere environment, though it may naturally lend itself to screen-free or offline pursuits. Rather than a disciplinary space, it mirrors in miniature the functions of a traditional shed—a site where men engage in autonomous problem-solving. For boys, this often takes the form of scaled-down equivalents such as Meccano models in place of motorbikes or woodworking (Kimmel, 2008). The Igloo seeks to reframe the bedroom as a place of rest and regulation, while positioning itself as a reward space: a “den” for self-guided exploration, where the child becomes the architect of his own projects and learning (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Blakemore, 2018).
A common parental impulse is to limit digital media consumption by refusing to fund consoles or devices. Yet a more detrimental mistake may be the refusal to invest in the structured games that children specifically request. In such cases, boys often turn to free, unregulated, and algorithmically addictive games that are designed to be endless and without resolution (Granic et al., 2014). The intrinsic demand for problem-solving and creative agency should not be suppressed; rather, it must be redirected into grounded, real-world formats that offer a sense of mastery and completion (Gee, 2003).
The Igloo thus offers a platform for developmental progression: for boys, it becomes both a site for creative autonomy and a space for private, informal socialisation. This dual function reflects a deeper psychosocial need—supporting the transition from boyhood to manhood through competence, solitude, and collaborative experimentation (Way, 2011).
The Igloo concept has been deliberately designed as a social space, scaled specifically for children and intentionally exclusive of adults. For girls in particular, this provides a critical opportunity to dilute the hyper-concentrated and often performative nature of digital social media with embodied, real-world interactions in a similarly private, peer-oriented context (Livingstone & Third, 2017). Crucially, the Igloo also aims to reclaim the bedroom as a space of solitude and introspection, rather than an environment saturated by the neurochemical volatility triggered by social notifications, cyberbullying, and peer surveillance (Twenge & Campbell, 2018; Odgers & Jensen, 2020).
While some may argue that the simplest solution is to restrict or ban smartphone use, such interventions often fail to address the developmental importance of social status for adolescents—particularly for girls, whose self-worth is frequently intertwined with peer approval (Brown & Larson, 2009). The goal is not to suppress this drive, but to redirect it into more embodied and constructive formats. Purpose-built structures like Wendy houses and dollhouses have historically served this function, enabling symbolic play and identity rehearsal within a bounded, manageable space (Corsaro, 2005).
In this way, the Igloo serves as a developmental bridge: for girls, it becomes a transitional space through which they can navigate the complexities of becoming women, supported by real social presence rather than digital abstraction. For boys, the same space often complements their need for quiet autonomy, supporting autodidactic learning and digital collaboration—for instance, using the space to revise or complete homework alongside friends via Zoom (Blakemore, 2018; Deci & Ryan, 2000).
Whether the rise in autism diagnoses reflects an actual increase in neurodevelopmental difference or stems from evolving diagnostic frameworks remains contested. Nevertheless, the data show a significant portion of today’s youth—particularly girls—are being identified with Autism Spectrum Condition (ASC) at increasingly earlier stages (Russell et al., 2022). One of the critical challenges in identifying ASC among girls lies in the phenomenon of social masking—a process whereby individuals learn to imitate neurotypical behaviours in order to conform socially (Hull et al., 2017). Girls may develop advanced compensatory techniques, such as echoing social scripts or mirroring peers, which obscure clinical indicators and lead to late or missed diagnoses (Dean et al., 2017). Additionally, while boys with autism often express intense interest in niche or technical subjects (e.g. trains, numbers), girls' special interests—such as animals, books, or celebrities—tend to align with normative cultural expectations and are therefore more easily overlooked (Gould & Ashton-Smith, 2011).
This invisibility is compounded by the nature of female friendships, which may appear functional but are often shallow or one-sided. Autistic girls may still experience profound internal disconnection and social fatigue, concealed beneath polite conformity (Tierney, Burns & Kilbey, 2016). A similar misalignment exists in the diagnostic understanding of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Girls with ADHD are less likely to present with hyperactivity and impulsivity, instead displaying inattention, emotional sensitivity, and executive dysfunction—traits that may be misattributed to anxiety or poor motivation (Hinshaw et al., 2022).
This diagnostic gender gap highlights the importance of early, inclusive, and holistic interventions that support emotional regulation, focus, and social autonomy. While the destigmatisation of autism and ADHD has enabled more families to seek help, health and education systems have not adapted quickly enough. The backlog in diagnostic services is acute; as of early 2024, over 172,000 individuals were on the NHS waiting list for autism assessments (NHS England, 2024).
Emerging research suggests that environmental stressors—such as urban density, limited green space, and high familial tension—may play a role in the expression and severity of neurodevelopmental traits (Modabbernia, Velthorst & Reichenberg, 2017). Children from high-stress households, including those experiencing parental separation or economic instability, are more vulnerable to developing anxiety-linked behaviours, with studies linking such stressors to both autism and ADHD symptomatology (Estes et al., 2013; Bick & Nelson, 2016). In these contexts, what is often overlooked is the importance of space—physical, emotional, and psychological—where a child can feel sovereign and secure.
This is precisely where a garden play room, such as the Children’s Igloo, becomes not merely desirable but developmentally strategic. More than a playhouse, the Igloo offers a child-scaled, emotionally contained environment where children—especially those with sensory sensitivities or executive function challenges—can experiment with solitude, creativity, and autonomy on their own terms. For girls, the igloo becomes a retreat from the social surveillance of digital media, restoring a boundary between public performance and private self (Turkle, 2011). For boys, it becomes a workshop and den—a domain for self-directed projects and gentle, non-performative social interaction, such as collaborating on homework via Zoom or building Lego models without interruption. For children with ADHD, having an independent zone to regulate stimulation, rehearse routines, and engage in low-stakes, interest-led activity can significantly improve mood regulation, task initiation, and self-concept (Brown, 2013; Blakemore, 2018).
